Build the Walzer: Review of ‘A Foreign Policy for the Left’ By Michael Walzer

Forty-one years ago, in the shadow of the Vietnam War, Michael Walzer published Just and Unjust Wars, an exploration of the morality of going to war and of war-fighting—a 20th-century update on the old problems of jus ad bellum and jus in bello. A professor at Harvard and Princeton University and long a member of the idiosyncratic left-wing intellectual crowd around Dissent magazine, Walzer established himself as an original thinker and laid the predicate for his lifelong willingness to call out fellow leftists as necessary for the sloppiness or shoddiness of their often abstract moral reasoning on matters of war and peace.

Vietnam was an unjust war, in Walzer’s view, one that should never have been fought. But for him, it hardly followed that all wars are unjust. At a time when a kind of nihilist pacifism was taking hold among many on the left, Walzer insisted on reminding his comrades of the moral necessity of World War II and the struggle to defeat fascism. Similarly, at a time when many of his contemporaries were apologizing for, if not celebrating, brutal regimes emerging in postcolonial states where liberation movements had thrown off an imperial yoke, Walzer insisted on holding these governments accountable for their misdeeds. Continue reading

Review: A Radical Critique of Modernity in ‘Why Liberalism Failed’

First, a point about the title of Patrick J. Deneen’s “Why Liberalism Failed”: While the failure he alleges does indeed encompass the progressive element in American politics, Mr. Deneen’s target is much bigger. The “liberalism” that has failed, in his telling, is the very project of modernity itself, whose origins date to the 16th and 17th centuries and whose signal political achievement, arriving in the 18th century, was the founding of the United States. Yes, that “failure”—and that liberalism.

Liberalism went wrong from the beginning, in Mr. Deneen’s view. Its fundamental innovation was to define politics around the liberty of the individual, the protection of whose rights is the purpose of government. Thomas Hobbes reasoned about a “state of nature” in which human beings stand weak and afraid, their lives “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short.” They band together to create an all-powerful state—“Leviathan,” as he called it—to provide relief from this condition and from the fear of violent death that goes with it. But the human quest to use politics to improve on natural conditions only begins here. Building as well on Machiavelli and Francis Bacon, liberalism seeks not an accommodation with nature and human convention but mastery over nature and liberation from convention. By way of John Locke, who saw human beings as naturally reasonable and tolerant and saw politics as a way of securing their individual liberty, it’s a short step to the American Founders and the Bill of Rights. Continue reading

The Gap Between Tweet and Action

For those willing to take it seriously, the question of Trump-ian national security and foreign policy has always been the extent to which the disruptive if not incendiary rhetoric of Donald Trump, the man, would be matched by a Trump administration effort to remake U.S. policy in accordance with his Twitter account. Was “America First” a fundamental reconception of the U.S. role in the world with new policies to match? Or could we expect more policy continuity than actual disruption?

Of course, many remain entirely unwilling to get to this question. Trumpian rhetoric is too unsettling for them to countenance in any way. To deride the utility of U.S. alliance commitments, the value of global trade, the obligation of the United States to adhere to international humanitarian law and human rights treaties such as the Convention against Torture—and to do so, moreover, under the same slogan as the pro-German isolationism of the 1930s—is more than enough to indicate a fundamental, disastrous change of course. By this light, Trump has been walking away from two generations of policy that served the United States very well. Continue reading

A Bucket List for the House GOP

To those feverishly speculating, whether in glee or in terror, that the election results in Virginia and New Jersey portend loss of GOP control of the House of Representatives in midterm elections a year from now, I ask this question: What difference does that prospect make not as of January 2019 but between now and then? The analogy is imprecise, but if someone told you authoritatively you were going to be pushing up daisies 14 months from now, how would you handle the news? I think an answer many people would give would be: make the most of the time you have left.

For an example of how to go about doing that, one need look back no further than the first year of the Obama administration.

In 2009, the top priority for President Obama and the Democratic party in Washington was to pass a health care reform bill. They were trying to do so on the strength of their possession of the White House and strong majorities in the House and Senate. The 111th Congress opened with 60 Democratic senators, enough to defeat a filibuster and pass legislation without GOP votes—and indeed, on this topic, the GOP was providing none. Continue reading

Taking President Trump Seriously

On NATO

The Impeachment Fantasy

These are perilous times for understatement and modest expectations. In the age of Trump, even the smallest of things are transmogrified into epoch-defining events. These are the days of mountains out of molehills, “a new low” almost daily, and more proof (as if more were needed) that your political opponents are every bit as debased as—no, even more debased than—you rightly concluded long ago.

In keeping with the times, many now detect a strong whiff of impeachment in the fetid Washington air. And it is here that I would like to apply a little critical political realism to the question, to set aside personal views and analyze it as coolly and dispassionately as possible. I’m sure there’s still an audience for that sort of thing. But just in case there isn’t, let me begin by saying that the idea Donald Trump is going to be removed from office is about the most farfetched fantasy in the rich history of Washington partisan delusion.

To return to measured understatement, the likelihood of such an outcome is not zero. But if you examine the hypothetical chain of events that would produce Trump’s removal, you will find not a president barely maintaining his balance atop a house of cards sure to collapse at any moment, but rather a confluence of constitutional procedures and political calculations that will work to keep him in the office to which he was elected certainly for the next two years, and very likely for the rest of his term. Continue reading

A Strauss Divided: Review of ‘Patriotism Is Not Enough’ by Steven F. Hayward

Steven F. Hayward’s Patriotism Is Not Enough is a loose intellectual portrait of the life and thought of Harry V. Jaffa and his circle of close friends and even closer enemies. Jaffa, who died two years ago at the age of 96, was a prominent student of Leo Strauss’s who held forth and shaped a generation of students of his own at Claremont McKenna College and its associated graduate school and institute in California. Jaffa was the author, most famously, of the classic study of Abraham Lincoln, Crisis of the House Divided, a book that sought to establish Lincoln not only as a statesman of the first rank but also as a profound political thinker in his own right.

Jaffa was also among the most quarrelsome men of letters ever to reside in the groves of academe, and it is this fact that gave Hayward’s book its impetus and provides its propulsion throughout. Hayward begins with a juxtaposition of Jaffa and Walter Berns, another prominent student of Strauss’s, with whom Jaffa quarreled incessantly throughout their adult lives. Jaffa and Berns, born six months apart, died on the very same day in 2015. This quirk of mortality set Hayward, a tremendous admirer of both men, on his way, and it informs the book’s personal style, which will painlessly acquaint newcomers with some pivotal moments and issues in recent intellectual history, even as it keeps those who already know the subject entertained. Continue reading

To Prevent another Syria, the World Needs German Leadership

Peace Lab / Sueddeutsche Zeitung

Presidential transitions in the United States always entail a period of uncertainty and diminished U.S. leadership. As the incoming administration takes shape and tries to finds its footing, the world watches anxiously.

Especially in this context, Americans like myself have welcomed the willingness of the German government to take on increased international responsibilities. German leadership has been indispensable to the cause of European integration and transatlantic cooperation from its earliest days and through many crises. Nor has Germany limited itself to a European role. From the United Nations in New York to the frontiers of Afghanistan, the international community has welcomed the responsible role German engagement has played. Continue reading

Report: Allies Against Atrocities: The Imperative for Transatlantic Cooperation to Prevent and Stop Mass Killing

Lawfare

This month marks the release of “Allies Against Atrocities: The Imperative For Transatlantic Cooperation To Prevent And Stop Mass Killings,” a report that I co-wrote with Lee Feinstein, dean of Indiana University’s School of Global and International Studies and former US Ambassador to Poland, through the U.S. Holocaust Museum’s Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide and the Stanley Foundation.

The report’s core argument is that transatlantic cooperation is fundamental to preventing atrocities—and that atrocity prevention is a first-order international security challenge that calls for coordinated strategic action and an institutional response. The purpose of the report is twofold: we identify practical steps that the U.S. and its Atlantic partners can take to prevent mass atrocities, and we provide some specific findings and recommendations to that end.

Below is a brief overview of these findings and recommendations. Continue reading

The Enlightenment’s Losers Are All Around Us

Wall Street Journal

Notwithstanding a title that screams of current events, Pankaj Mishra’s “Age of Anger: A History of the Present,” is a book of far greater ambition than its timeliness suggests. Though attentive to all the headline staples—the rise of nationalism and populism, the weakening of liberalism, the threat of virulent strains of radical Islam—Mr. Mishra frames these phenomena as manifestations of a much larger problem. The “age of anger” here is nothing other than modernity itself, as seen through the eyes of those to whom modernity has come late and partially—if indeed it has come at all.

Mr. Mishra’s primary target is the assumption that modernity is synonymous with progress. He traces this view back to the Enlightenment conception of human beings as rights-bearing individuals quite apart from the whims of crown and church. This radical idea spread throughout the West, and then globally, infiltrating the realms of politics, economics, society and culture.

Proponents of modernity, perhaps including most readers of this newspaper, point to the spread of freedom and growing prosperity as a result of market economics, and they are pleased. True, they likely see progress as incomplete, both with regard to its extension around the world and to its development in their own societies. But the direction—forward—isn’t in doubt.

In Mr. Mishra’s view, apologists of modernity are complacent and “self-flattering.” They had the great good fortune to be the initial beneficiaries of “commercial society, the global market economy, the nation state and utilitarian rationality.” For this, the Western (and Westernizing) winners deserve no special credit. In a mistake characteristic of Enlightenment universalism, Mr. Mishra argues, they mistook the advantage they gained from the system for the advantage of the whole world. Meanwhile, the globalizing spread of modernity from its points of origin in Europe and North America caused tremendous disruption of local and traditional patterns of life wherever it went, producing what Mr. Mishra sees as the characteristic trait of modernity: an “existential resentment of other people’s being, caused by an intense mix of envy and sense of humiliation and powerlessness.”

It is this sense of resentment, the defining spirit of the age of anger, that Mr. Mishra spends most of the book exploring. Continue reading