The special difficulties – and urgency – of freedom for a tyrannized people.
View this article at The Weekly Standard
FROM THE CEASELESS and often disgraceful efforts to tease meaning out of the first two weeks of the Iraq war, two serious lessons stand out. The first is a reacquaintance with the contours of modern tyranny. Saddam Hussein is not merely a dictator; he is the head of a police state administered by an elite cadre whose principal means of control from the top down is terror. The second is a reminder of the difficulty of the larger project of which the war in Iraq is a part: the liberalization of the Middle East and the integration of Islamic society there into the modern world.
No, Saddam did not fall instantly, his military forces and his regime collapsing into shambles. Nor were United States and British forces initially greeted as liberators by smiling Iraqis waving American flags. Iraqi resistance was stiffer than anticipated, with fighters in some skirmishes holding out to the last man despite superior U.S. firepower. Irregular resistance took the form of suicide bombing attacks and fake surrenders. And more U.S. forces had to be deployed in preparation for the assault on Baghdad.
The gloom that attended these developments and the unseemly glee with which they were seized upon by the Bush administration’s opponents are clear indications that somewhere along the line, the hope of a swift Iraqi collapse–which one might expect to be fairly widely shared among all those not actually rooting for Saddam–did indeed become an expectation of swift collapse. We need to take a serious look at what gave rise to that expectation and why it was wrong.
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